Hindu-Muslim differentials in fertility and population growth in India: role of proximate variables

Balasubramanian, K.

Artha Vijnana Journal of the Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics Poona 26: 189-216

1984


ISSN/ISBN: 0004-3559
PMID: 12340174
Document Number: 236413
In India, Hindu and Muslim differentials in fertility were examined using census data and the findings of 11 surveys. An explanation of the fertility differences was offered. The proportion of Muslims in the population increased and the proportion of Hindus decreased, both before and after partition of the country. After partition, and between 1951-71, the proportion of Muslims increased from 9.9%-11.2% while the proportion of Hindus decreased from 84.9%-82.7%. An examination of mortality and migration data suggests that these proportional changes cannot be attributed to differences in migration or mortality; therefore, they must be due to differences in fertility. Census and survey data provide considerable evidence that fertility is higher among Muslims than among Hindus. According to the 1971 census data, the total marital fertility rate for Muslim women was 11% higher in urban areas and 20% higher in rural areas than the rate for Hindus. Even when education was controlled, the Muslim rate remained higher. The findings of 11 demographic surveys consistently revealed higher fertility rates for Muslims compared to Hindus. Several studies demonstrated that these differences narrowed but remained significant when education and socioeconomic factors were controlled. Investigators generally offer 1 of 3 hypotheses to explain the differences. The 1st hypothesis attributes the fertility differences to differences in the background or socioeconomic characteristics of the 2 populations. This explanation is not supported by studies which have introduced socioeconomic controls. The 2nd hypothesis states that minority status itself is a sufficient cause of high fertility. There is considerable evidence with which to refute this hypothesis. For example, in predominantly Muslim countries, Hindu minorities tend to have lower fertility than Muslims. The 3rd hypothesis attributed the fertility differences to religious beliefs concerning reproduction. Both Islam and Hinduism are pronatalist religions; however, the 2 religions differ in regard to their beliefs concerning marriage, reproductive behavior, and fertility control, and these differences may have a different impact on the intermediate variables which influence fertility. These intermediate variables include age at marriage, marriage stability, and contraceptive use. For example, Islamic beliefs, in contrast to Hindu beliefs, support polygamy, allow for easy divorce in case of infertility, and allow widows to remarry. These beliefs tend to increase exposure to the risk of pregnancy for Muslim women. Hindu women are more likely than Muslim women to return to their family of orientation for a period of time following the birth of their 1st and 2nd children, and this practice reduces exposure to the risk of pregnancy for Hindu women. Muslim women are also less receptive to family planning than Hindu women. A national survey indicated that 17% of Hindu women compared to 13% of Muslim women ever used contraception. Sterilization rates are also higher among Hindus than among Muslims. As the modernization process unfolds in India, the impact of religious beliefs on the intermediate variables will decrease, and religious differentials in fertility will decline.

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